The Impact of the Arab Spring and the Palestinian Issue

For the past 13 months, relentless scenes of brutal Israeli aggression have been searing into our eyes, leaving them stony from witnessing humanity’s darkest moments. Yet, the cries of the oppressed and the anguished pleas of innocent lives continue to fall on the deaf ears of neighbouring Arab states, their consciences unstirred. Parents and relatives, bearing the lifeless bodies of innocent children, call out to the rulers and people of these Arab nations, asking, “Where have you gone?”

Those who emerge alive from the rubble of Gaza’s bombed-out buildings—clutching the bodies of their dead children—face cameras with cries of despair, speaking not only words of praise for God but words of mourning for the Arab world’s indifference. The people of Gaza are left wondering why their Arab neighbours do not rise to defend them against Israel’s unrelenting bombardment. Since Hamas’s attack on Israel on October 7 of last year, the world’s eyes have been fixed on the Middle East, with everyone questioning how severe and prolonged Israel’s retaliation would be, and what response the governments and people of the Arab nations would give. But the first question still has no clear answer: Israeli bombings have unleashed devastation across Gaza, taking over 50,000 Palestinian lives with no signs of cessation. The conflict is now spreading beyond Gaza to Syria, Yemen, and even Lebanon.

The partial answer to the second question is evident. Those expecting large-scale protests in Arab capitals have been left disappointed. While many Arab populations feel deep sympathy and solidarity with the Palestinians, public demonstrations have been restricted in these countries. As for Arab governments, their responses have been tepid at best, and often disheartening. Apart from traditional criticisms of Israel and mediation offers from Qatar and Egypt, no country has stepped up to support the Palestinians in a meaningful way.

Tragically, despite Israel’s merciless bloodshed, no Arab country has severed diplomatic ties with Israel or taken significant action to increase diplomatic or economic pressure that could help to end the violence. The question arises: why has the Palestinian cause lost its importance in the region? Considering the complex political dynamics in the Middle East, the answer is multifaceted. Historians will record these realities for future generations, preserving the role of each Arab state. However, the rulers of these nations seem unconcerned about the legacy of shame and grief they leave behind. Dancing to the tune of powerful nations to secure their rule, they believe their safety lies in appeasing their patrons.

Historically, the Arab nations have shared an identity bound by a common language, religion, and, to an extent, shared cultural roots. Yet European colonial influence introduced new insecurities, creating a region where each country’s interests are often at odds. Relations between Palestinians and Arab states have also not been simple, particularly with those nations that hosted large numbers of Palestinian refugees after Israel’s establishment in 1948.

The Lebanese Civil War and conflicts between Palestinian militants and the Jordanian monarchy at times reflect the region’s fraught history. However, for many decades, the Palestinian issue remained a unifying cause among Arab countries. During this period, Israel was viewed as an extension of former colonial powers—initially Britain and France, and now the United States—positioned as a Western outpost to protect their interests in the Middle East.

Countries like Egypt, Syria, and Jordan once fought wars against Israel to defend both their national interests and the Palestinian cause. Those wars, however, are now a thing of the past. Egypt and Jordan signed peace treaties with Israel decades ago. Morocco, the United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain have established diplomatic relations with Israel, a shift from the region’s former aversion to such ties. Saudi Arabia, too, was on the verge of formalizing relations with Israel before the October 7 outbreak of war in Gaza halted this diplomatic momentum, at least temporarily.

Dov Waxman, Director of the Nazarian Centre for Israel Studies at the University of California, explains, “For decades and even in the recent crisis, each Arab country has pursued its own interests. They speak of solidarity with the Palestinians, and these sentiments are not insincere, but their national interests come first.” Meanwhile, numerous researchers and analysts still contend that public opinion across the Arab and Muslim world remains staunchly opposed to Israel.

The people of Arab countries feel great sympathy for the citizens of devastated Gaza, and they wish for their governments to take more action in support of the Palestinians. They desire for their countries to cut diplomatic ties with Israel, at the very least by expelling Israeli diplomats. However, this has not happened yet. The reason is that Arab governments distanced themselves from the Palestinians quite some time ago. This was a pivotal turning point that changed the entire landscape of the region. Today’s bloody scenes are not the result of sudden events but trace back to the public uprisings, known as the “Arab Spring,” which shook the Middle East and North Africa between 2010 and 2012.

Since then, the situation has drastically shifted, and the failure of these uprisings has destabilized the region. Many countries remain entangled in civil conflicts, such as Yemen, Syria, and Iraq. Syria and Iraq, which were once politically powerful states that could challenge the United States, are now absent from the scene. Libya has not only been destroyed, but its leader, Muammar Gaddafi, was displayed to the world media in a manner intended to signal to other Muslim leaders that they too must submit to Western authority. Egypt struggles with economic instability, while Sudan is mired in civil war. Pakistan, the world’s first nuclear Muslim state, has been consistently pushed toward instability, mired in internal terrorism and economic hardship to such an extent that it cannot regain its footing. In Pakistan, political disarray is deepened by the widening gaps between politicians and key institutions, leading even those aware of the real enemy to seek their survival within the very trap set by those enemies.

In this state of perpetual crisis, Arab societies continue to feel sympathy for the Palestinians but feel powerless under the oppressive regimes they themselves live under. The Arab world is in a tragic state; people are without the freedom, capability, or even the desire to live with dignity. Despite this, the social support for Palestinians has been stronger than the official government stance, primarily expressed through social media. Since the Arab Spring, the streets of many regional countries have become limited for such activities. Where authoritarian governments once permitted protests in defense of Palestinians, they now fear that such gatherings might incite something far worse, even a fate like Libya, Syria, or Iraq, where people now yearn for basic necessities. But the years of turmoil have changed more than just this. The years 2010–2012 saw millions of people in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Bahrain, and Morocco take to the streets, demanding democracy and social rights.

The Arab Spring was indeed an earthquake, reshaping the conditions and priorities of many countries. Some old regimes fell, while others worried they would be next and scrambled to find security and protection. According to a calculated strategy, global colonial powers not only tilled the ground in these Arab states but also sowed seeds of fear in the fields of their weak rulers, forcing them to reap a crop of submission. They were convinced that Israel, with its promise of protection against the nuclear threat from Iran, was their only true ally in the region, turning one move into multiple strategic gains.

A few years after the Arab Spring, under U.S. mediation during Donald Trump’s presidency, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates formalized diplomatic relations with Israel. Morocco and Sudan later joined this agreement. The U.S. response was swift, with Washington formally recognizing Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara, effectively preventing a self-determination referendum there. In examining these countries’ relations with Israel, we find that Israel has sold them surveillance systems, which they use to secretly monitor their own citizens.

The alleged use of the Pegasus software developed by the Israeli company NSO Group has impacted Morocco, the UAE, Bahrain, and even Saudi Arabia, which lacks official ties with Israel. According to the New York Times, Riyadh acquired this software in 2017, but lost access to it the following year after the assassination of Saudi dissident journalist Jamal Khashoggi at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul. However, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman reportedly contacted Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, enabling him to regain access to the software.

In addition to national interests, another factor pushing Arab countries away from the Palestinian issue is the rise of Islamist militias in their own countries. After the 1967 war and the first wave of Palestinian resistance led by Yasser Arafat, this movement was largely nationalist. Today’s resistance, however, is primarily religious, spearheaded by Islamist groups like Hamas and Hezbollah, rooted in Islamic ideology. The ultimate aim of these groups is martyrdom, a value that the United States, its allies, and Israel have long sought to eradicate from the hearts of Muslims. This is why, even before the partition of India, Britain planted a self-created group in Qadiani, injecting its poison into the faith of the Muslim Ummah. In Pakistan, this sect was declared a minority after deliberation in the elected assembly, and now, efforts to sustain this group are ongoing in Britain.

The rulers of these states have been led to believe that Hamas’s links with the Islamic organization, the Muslim Brotherhood (currently in conflict with several governments in the region), present a significant threat. Many of these governments view Hamas as the final stronghold of the Muslim Brotherhood, still standing and militarily strong. This perspective fueled actions such as the ousting of Egypt’s elected Muslim Brotherhood leader, President Morsi, and the installation of their agent, Sisi. The regime change received financial support and open backing from Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states. To this day, the Muslim Brotherhood faces oppression, and the global media often complies with a mandate to refrain from reporting on the extent of these atrocities.

Israel is, in a way, accomplishing its insidious goal by targeting Hamas. Hamas and Hezbollah’s ties with Iran also fuel suspicion in Arab states. For Gulf countries, for instance, Iran poses a more significant threat than Israel. As previously mentioned, many Arab governments have accepted the “Israeli and American narrative that these movements are Iranian weapons intended to destabilize regional peace and disrupt any plans for stability in the area, ignoring the plight of Palestinians.”

Analysts say that this narrative is actively promoted by state-run media throughout the Arab world, a region where independent media is rare. According to Professor Walid Qazi, “For the Saudi media, for example, the primary concern is not the Palestinians but how Iran seeks to exert control over the region.” Although Hamas now receives support and funding from Iran, the Palestinian liberation group initially had good relations with several Arab countries, but their growing influence later became a source of concern for those states.

Think about it: with escalating Israeli oppression, when Arab countries shut their doors to them and nobody was willing to provide weapons to resist Israel, Palestinians were left with no option but to turn to any available support to defend their lives and properties. The same applies to Hezbollah and other groups receiving support from Iran, as they strive to defend the Palestinian cause.

When Iran is portrayed as their main backer, the Arab people are almost forgotten in this picture. However, in my opinion, some Arab movements genuinely stand in solidarity with Palestinians and are willing to sacrifice for their cause, such as Hezbollah, the Houthis in Yemen, and some Shia movements in Iraq.

Aside from the geostrategic interests and crises in the Arab world, the Palestinian cause has gradually faded into obscurity. The ideals that once moved hearts in the Middle East, like Arab nationalism, have now become echoes of the past. Most of the younger generation in the region sympathize with Palestinians, but they do not understand the root causes of the conflict, as these topics are no longer taught in schools. Today, society and even identity have evolved alongside globalization.

This shift is also reflected in new leadership. For instance, Gulf countries like Saudi Arabia now have a new generation of leaders such as Mohammed bin Salman, who were largely educated in the West. They do not see themselves as traditional Arabs and do not regard Palestine as a central issue. They openly declare that “their priorities and ambitions are different now.”