The Kurram Conflict: Sectarian Tension or Global Political Game?

Although I have been attempting for quite some time to share my views with readers on global politics, particularly the issues facing the Muslim Ummah, with a specific focus on Pakistan, which is deeply affected by these matters, I have been fortunate enough to receive considerable attention. However, this time, the dangerous trend in Pakistan’s politics, which is becoming a source of embarrassment for Pakistanis living abroad, does not seem to concern the country’s politicians. Just a few days ago, the Chief Minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa stormed Islamabad using provincial resources and armed militias. This was such a dangerous step, leading towards civil war, that it shook everyone. Prior to this attack on Islamabad, a terrifying sectarian incident had occurred in the Chief Minister’s own province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s Kurram district, resulting in the deaths of 32 individuals. Yet, even after the violent protests in Islamabad, he declared civil disobedience and bizarrely stated that they would continue attacking like Mahmud of Ghazni.

It is important to note that Kurram district in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is one of the oldest tribal areas in Pakistan, which was formally settled during the British colonial period in the 1890s. The British government, through a deliberate strategy, divided the lands here between two different sects to prevent any organized resistance against them. Local tribal conflicts began around this time, and so the history of tribal disputes in Kurram is over a century old. However, since July of this year, this region has been consistently in the news due to intermittent violent clashes and sectarian attacks.

In 2024 alone, more than 200 people have been killed in various violent incidents in Kurram district, including women and children. After attacks on passenger convoys in Kurram and subsequent militia raids and arson attacks at several locations, it is now widely known that this sectarian conflict is spilling out of Parachinar, with Afghanistan providing direct support, and Taliban fighters crossing the border. Videos have also surfaced on social media showing the flag of the banned Zainabiyon group replacing Pakistan’s flag at a check post. It is worth mentioning that on November 21, an attack on a convoy of vehicles in Kurram killed over 50 people, most of whom were from the Shia sect. Earlier in October, a convoy of Sunni tribal passengers was also attacked, resulting in the deaths of 16 people, including women and children.

The next day after the November 21 attack, an armed militia launched an assault on the Sunni-majority area of Bagan in Kurram, killing 32 people and setting hundreds of shops and houses on fire. When security officials were asked about the role of extremist elements in the Kurram conflict, they claimed that the ranks of both sides included militants from banned organizations involved in terrorism at the behest of their foreign masters. Officials also claim that the banned organizations, such as Zainabiyon, Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), ISIS, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Sipah-e-Sahaba, and Sipah-e-Mohammad, are involved in the ongoing dispute in Kurram.

Reliable sources indicate that the violence in Kurram is being fuelled by the regional conflicts in Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan. Fighters involved in these foreign conflicts have demonstrated their expertise in Kurram, and the use of modern American weaponry in these attacks has also been reported, weapons that were left behind by US forces upon their withdrawal. People from Kurram confirm the presence of militants affiliated with banned groups in the region, but they also accuse each other of being responsible for the violent events.

A well-informed source from the Bagzai area of Kurram said that while the TTP’s presence in Central Kurram is limited, thousands of people from Shia areas are marching in militias. “Who will stop them?” he asked. A teacher from a village near Bagan also confirmed the presence of supporters of banned organizations in their areas, stating, “People who identify with Zainabiyon and the Taliban use disrespectful language against Islam’s sacred personalities and abuse each other. This provokes the local people, and they believe that this is why attacks on passenger buses in Kunj Alizai in October and on Lower Kurram in November occurred.” According to him, military operations have been carried out in Lower and Central Kurram, and similar operations are needed in Upper Kurram as well.

A senior officer stationed in Kurram pointed towards the border areas with Afghanistan and mentioned, “People from the Sunni tribes here go to fight, and fighters from there come here as well. The influx of people from across the border does affect the balance of power, but it is also important to note that every person in this area can shoot and handle all kinds of weapons.”

However, the Afghan Taliban’s direct involvement in the war against the Shia sect in Kurram is difficult, as sectarian violence in Pakistan, especially in border areas like Kurram, could have direct repercussions on both Shia and Sunni communities in Afghanistan. If such an action were to occur, it would negatively affect Afghanistan’s relations with Iran, which is unacceptable to the Afghan Taliban. However, there are also Sunni tribes in Kurram, such as the Mangal, Maqbal, and Zadran, and many of them reside in Afghanistan as well.

When reports emerge from Kurram of Shia militias burning the homes of Sunni tribes, killing some individuals, and taking their women, it is not improbable that tribes across the border may get involved in the conflict to avenge their relatives. The tribes across the Afghan border include Afghan Taliban fighters and commanders with close ties to the Sunni tribes in Kurram, further complicating the ongoing Shia-Sunni conflict in the region.

According to a senior government official, the presence of heavy weapons in the region has become a major issue, and they blame Afghanistan for this. “You know who is across the border and what has been happening there, and there will be consequences. A large quantity of dangerous weapons left by US forces has fallen into the hands of both sides, and they are being used recklessly,” he said. “If you remember, in 2007 when Sunni militant groups and the TTP attempted to establish a foothold in Kurram, armed Shia militias led by local leader Haji Haider defeated them. Haji Haider was one of the closest associates of Qassem Soleimani, the former head of Iran’s Quds Force.”

The Zainabiyoun Brigade: A Complex Conflict in Pakistan’s Kurram District

The Zainabiyoun Brigade is commonly perceived as a militia comprising Pakistani Shia fighters who were active during the Syrian civil war. Aligned with Iran, they supported Bashar al-Assad’s regime and were tasked with safeguarding sacred sites in Iraq and Syria. Iran has openly acknowledged its association with the Zainabiyoun Brigade, with state media outlets like the Tasnim News Agency, affiliated with the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, regularly reporting on the deaths of Pakistani fighters in these conflicts.

Despite being a proscribed organization, Zainabiyoun has not faced the same level of state action as groups like the Taliban. Locals in Kurram District report that fighters in the area possess weapons superior to those available to the police. Historically, young men from this region travelled to Syria to fight against ISIS, with most recruits being local Shia individuals. However, locals deny the presence of any Arabic or Persian nationals and reject claims of a highly organized Zainabiyoun presence in Kurram.

Instead, they attribute attacks on Shia tribes in the region to ISIS and other Afghan factions. Similarly, attacks on Sunni tribes are often seen as retaliatory actions stemming from tribal culture, where locals blame nearby communities for incidents of violence.

Recruitment and Scale

According to analyst Philip Smyth, formerly associated with the Washington Institute and the University of Maryland, Zainabiyoun remains active in the Middle East. However, they have shifted recruitment strategies, moving away from overt social media campaigns. Instead, Pakistani Shia individuals residing or studying in Iran continue to be recruited. Smyth estimates that Zainabiyoun never exceeded 5,000 members and that its numbers have now dwindled to 2,500-4,000 fighters.

Historical Context and Current Challenges

Kurram District, particularly Parachinar, is situated about 100 kilometers from Kabul, Afghanistan. Following the 9/11 attacks and subsequent U.S.-led intervention in Afghanistan, many displaced individuals sought refuge in Kurram. During the mid-2000s, the rise of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) exacerbated sectarian tensions in the area.

Security officials stationed in Kurram have confirmed that some combatants in local skirmishes have received foreign military training, making them highly skilled. Although their numbers are limited, these fighters are heavily armed and aligned with their respective sectarian affiliations.

The region’s geography compounds the problem. Kurram’s mountainous terrain limits law enforcement access, leaving the police ill-equipped to confront these groups. Deploying forces in the area requires navigating treacherous terrain, often exposing personnel to attacks from entrenched militants.

A Broader Conflict

Initially formed to combat ISIS, Zainabiyoun fighters who returned to Pakistan have largely avoided law enforcement scrutiny, especially in Kurram. Unlike Punjab and Karachi, where some members were apprehended, Kurram’s locals have escaped similar attention. This is partly due to the region’s deep-rooted religious inclinations and the high level of organization among its Shia community.

In the past, ISIS’s Khorasan branch claimed responsibility for attacks on Pakistan’s Shia community, framing these as retaliation for Zainabiyoun’s actions in Syria and Iraq. Since August 2021, both ISIS and Pakistani Sunni militant groups have ramped up operations in Pakistan, prompting Zainabiyoun to establish a foothold in Kurram.

The Path to Stability

Security officials and analysts familiar with Kurram assert that local disputes over land are the primary drivers of violence. However, the involvement of external actors cannot be ignored. To restore peace in the region, disarming all factions is crucial. Additionally, foreign-trained fighters returning to Pakistan must be closely monitored and prosecuted under the Anti-Terrorism Act.

Failure to act decisively could allow the sectarian conflict in Kurram to spill over into urban centers, further destabilizing Pakistan. External adversaries remain eager to exploit these tensions, making it imperative for Pakistan to prioritize national security over political rivalries and decisively counter these threats.