{"id":3127,"date":"2026-10-12T21:48:16","date_gmt":"2026-10-12T21:48:16","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/bittertruth.uk\/en\/?p=3127"},"modified":"2026-10-12T21:48:24","modified_gmt":"2026-10-12T21:48:24","slug":"behind-closed-doors","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/bittertruth.uk\/en\/behind-closed-doors\/","title":{"rendered":"Behind Closed Doors<\/strong>"},"content":{"rendered":"

T\u00fcrkiye Qatar and the Search for a Diplomatic Passage<\/strong>
\nHigh-level delegations from T\u00fcrkiye and Qatar travelled to Afghanistan last week, where they held meetings with senior figures in the Taliban administration. On Tuesday, 15 September, Ibrahim Kalin, the head of Turkish intelligence, and Hamad bin Khamis, a deputy member of Qatar’s National Security Council, met the Taliban’s Defence Minister, Mullah Yaqoob Mujahid; its Interior Minister, Sirajuddin Haqqani; and the intelligence chief, Abdul Haq Wasiq. The true agenda of the Kandahar meetings remains undisclosed, as does the question of whether the visitors were received by the Taliban’s supreme leader, Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada. Yet the very reticence surrounding the encounter has lent it consequence. Statements issued by the Taliban authorities and information emerging from Turkish official circles suggest that bilateral co-operation occupied much of the discussion. Other sources, however, maintain that the suspended dialogue between Afghanistan and Pakistan, and the possibility of repairing relations between them, received close and sustained attention.<\/p>\n

The immediate question is therefore unavoidable: why did senior Turkish and Qatari security officials make so sudden a journey to Afghanistan?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Once his visit to Kabul was complete, Kalin travelled to Islamabad. There he met Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff, Field Marshal Asim Munir; the Director-General of Inter-Services Intelligence, Lieutenant-General Asim Malik; Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif; and other senior officials. The sequence matters. Direct talks between Kabul and Islamabad, held in Saudi Arabia in December 2025, had ended without result. The two sides subsequently engaged in lengthy negotiations in China, but those, too, failed to break the impasse. According to one source, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, T\u00fcrkiye and the United Arab Emirates, working alongside China, have spent the past ten months attempting to revive the process. Their labour has so far yielded no practical settlement.<\/p>\n

The Turkish intelligence chief and the Qatari national-security representative have thus arrived at a singularly bleak hour. Relations between Kabul and Islamabad stand at perhaps their coldest point in living memory. Every overland crossing between the two countries has remained closed for nearly a year. Trade has been halted, transit has withered, and diplomatic contact has been reduced almost to a formality without substance. A frontier once imagined as an artery of regional exchange has become a shuttered door, guarded as much by suspicion as by concrete and steel.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye and Qatar have mediated between Kabul and Islamabad before. They are now attempting to breathe life into a process that has lain becalmed beneath the weight of accusation and mistrust. This is no small undertaking. Mediation can bring adversaries back into the same room; it cannot, by ceremony alone, furnish them with the confidence that years of grievance have consumed.<\/p>\n

After the Riyadh talks collapsed at the end of 2025, many expected a new phase of negotiations under Saudi leadership. Events elsewhere overtook that expectation. Tension between Iran and the United States, together with Pakistani air operations in Afghanistan, disturbed the diplomatic ground on which such a process might have been built. In this region, crises seldom remain within the boundaries assigned to them. One fire casts its heat upon another frontier, and a negotiation prepared in one capital may be undone by an explosion hundreds of miles away.<\/p>\n

Reports of the latest discussions in Kabul suggest that Taliban officials told the Turkish and Qatari visitors that they were prepared to resume negotiations with Pakistan and to reopen the crossings. Their condition was equally plain: Islamabad must not again close the routes for political purposes. According to another source involved in the talks, senior Taliban figures also offered the following assurance: ‘We assure Pakistan that Afghan territory will not be permitted to be used against it, but Pakistan must likewise guarantee that its territory will not be used against us.’ The symmetry of the words is elegant. The difficulty lies, as it so often does in diplomacy, in converting verbal balance into conduct that can be observed, tested and trusted.<\/p>\n

Pakistan has repeatedly argued that militants belonging to Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan, or the TTP, operate from Afghan soil, where they plan and co-ordinate attacks across the border. Islamabad has consequently pressed the Taliban authorities to act against them. Kabul has denied the charge and insists that the TTP is an internal Pakistani matter. Between those positions lies the central obstruction: one government sees a cross-border security threat; the other rejects responsibility for it. During the recent meetings, Taliban officials proposed the creation of a formal framework through which the grievances of Kabul and Islamabad might be addressed. Such a mechanism could matter, but only if it possesses the means to examine claims, establish facts and hold both parties to commitments made in private and proclaimed in public.<\/p>\n

Pakistan’s position was restated on Thursday, 17 September, during the Foreign Office’s weekly press briefing in Islamabad. The spokesman said that Pakistan was willing to reopen commercial routes with Afghanistan, provided that attacks launched from Afghan territory against Pakistan ceased altogether. Asked about the Turkish and Qatari delegations’ visit to Afghanistan; he replied that the Foreign Office had seen the media reports but had not been informed of the visit’s precise purpose. He nevertheless acknowledged the constructive role played by T\u00fcrkiye and Qatar, recalling that talks with Taliban officials had taken place in both countries during the previous year.<\/p>\n

The spokesman’s judgement of the Afghan response was unsparing. Despite the efforts of regional states to restore stability, and despite the good offices of friendly countries, he said, the Afghan side had responded negatively and had refused to give an assurance that terrorism directed against Pakistan from Afghan territory would be stopped. China, he added, had also attempted a settlement by bringing the three countries together in Urumqi. Diplomacy, in other words, has not been absent. The procession of capitals, envoys and conference rooms is itself evidence of how stubbornly the dispute has resisted it.<\/p>\n

Pakistan, the spokesman continued, wishes to settle every question by peaceful means – through negotiation and diplomacy. ‘We have made our red line clear. It is now for Afghanistan to determine how it will prevent terrorism. It cannot allow militants to continue crossing from its territory and then expect a different response from Pakistan.’ The Taliban administration continues to reject these allegations, maintaining that the TTP belongs to Pakistan’s domestic sphere. Here the argument returns to its beginning: sovereignty is invoked by both sides, yet each understands its obligations differently. The border divides jurisdictions, but violence pays little regard to the constitutional neatness of a map.<\/p>\n

During the same briefing, the spokesman was asked whether relations must remain strained for as long as the Taliban governed Afghanistan, or whether trade and transit might yet be restored. He recalled that Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Senator Ishaq Dar, had visited Afghanistan the previous year and had offered a series of transit-trade concessions, including reduced tariffs. Pakistan’s request, he said, had remained unchanged: terrorism emanating from Afghan soil must cease completely. The next move now belonged to the other side.<\/p>\n

The spokesman further maintained that Pakistan had pursued direct talks and had also worked through friendly states, including Qatar, T\u00fcrkiye and China. Every attempt to lower tensions and advance peace, he said, had failed because the Afghan side remained hesitant and unwilling to co-operate. Should Afghanistan assist on the question of terrorism, Pakistan would be prepared to reopen the border, restore commerce and allow Afghanistan to serve as a centre of regional connectivity. Pakistan’s policy, he added, had consistently favoured a peaceful Afghanistan – at peace within itself and at peace with its neighbours. The anxiety is not Pakistan’s alone. China, Qatar and Saudi Arabia have concerns about militant activity in Afghanistan, while the northern states of Central Asia remain dissatisfied with the country’s security conditions.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye’s place in the Makkah Agreement gives Ankara a particular reason to seek an improvement in relations between Kabul and Islamabad. If tensions between the Houthis and Saudi Arabia intensify, T\u00fcrkiye may judge it essential that Pakistan is not confronted by another active front or strategic burden. This may help to explain Ankara’s renewed effort to bring Kabul and Islamabad back to the negotiating table. Despite an increase in militant attacks inside Pakistan, Islamabad has not launched another strike upon Afghanistan. Haqqani’s recent remarks, in which he proposed a formal procedure for examining the claims advanced by both countries, and the Turkish intelligence chief’s third visit both suggest that the parties have not abandoned dialogue altogether.<\/p>\n

That suggestion should not, however, be mistaken for a settlement. Beneath every formula and every diplomatic courtesy lies the same deficit of trust. Kabul demands an assurance that crossings will not be closed for political leverage; Islamabad demands verifiable action against armed groups operating from Afghan territory. Each side asks the other to move first, and each fears that concession will be read as weakness rather than responsibility. This is how political disputes harden into historical habits: yesterday’s injury becomes today’s doctrine, and today’s precaution prepares tomorrow’s grievance.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye and Qatar may yet reopen the diplomatic passage, but they cannot walk it on behalf of the two governments. A durable peace will require more than another communique, another photograph, or another pledge whose meaning dissolves at the frontier. It will require a credible framework for testing allegations, monitoring conduct and preserving trade from the tempests of political retaliation. Unless Kabul and Islamabad reconsider both the substance and the sequence of their demands, the prospect of a lasting accommodation will remain slight. The border may open for a season; the deeper gate, the gate of confidence, will remain barred.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

T\u00fcrkiye Qatar and the Search for a Diplomatic Passage High-level delegations from T\u00fcrkiye and Qatar travelled to Afghanistan last week, where they held meetings with senior figures in the Taliban administration. On Tuesday, 15 September, Ibrahim Kalin, the head of Turkish intelligence, and Hamad bin Khamis, a deputy member of Qatar’s National Security Council, met …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":3128,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[39,33,24,31,26,27,25],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3127","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-featured-columns","category-important-columns","category-international-columns","category-middle-east","category-pakistan-columns","category-today-columns","category-top-articles"],"yoast_head":"\nBehind | Closed Doors<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Unless Kabul and Islamabad reconsider both the substance and the sequence of their demands, the prospect of a lasting accommodation will..\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, 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